tea time

1789 British engraving

150 years ago this week people commemorated the centennial of the Boston Tea Party. According to the January 3, 1874 issue of Harper’s Weekly, one of the celebrations incorporated a contemporary political issue – women’s rights:

THE BOSTON TEA-PARTY.

New England Woman’s Tea Party held here

On the 15th of December a distinguished party of ladies and gentlemen assembled in Faneuil Hall to celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the famous Boston “Tea-Party,” when the cargoes of the Dartmouth, Eleanor, and Beaver, three British ships, consisting of 342 chests of tea, were thrown into the harbor by a body of sixty men disguised as Indians. The memorial party had also a semi-political aspect. It was originated and managed by Mrs. LUCY STONE in the interest of woman suffrage. Invitations were sent to many prominent agitators of woman’s rights, and, to the gratifications of the ladies who had the affair in charge, most of them were accepted. The celebration was a complete success, except in one respect – the supply of tea gave out before all the guests had been served. Colonel T. W. HIGGINSON presided, and to his judgment and general fitness for the position much of the success of the Centennial Tea-Party is to be attributed. Enthusiasm was not as prominent a feature of the celebration as its nature would lead one to suppose; the speeches were marked more by cool and solid argument than by stirring appeals to the feelings of the audience, and Lucy Stone’s address alone created any degree of enthusiasm. Every thing was carried out just as it was advertised, and the managers may well be proud of the success which attended their efforts.

The original tea-party was a practical protest against the tea monopoly granted by the British government to the East India Company. A number of American merchants at that time in London were eager to secure the privilege of furnishing ships to carry the obnoxious cargoes to the colonies. But the sturdy colonists were determined to resist this encroachment on their rights. Great meetings were held in Boston and other cities to protest against the monopoly. The British government paid no heed to the popular demand, and regarded the agitation as a factious movement which would either die of itself or be easily crushed out by force.

Old South meeting House 1835

Toward the end of November, 1773, the Dartmouth arrived at Boston, and came to anchor near the Castle. A meeting of the people of Boston and the neighboring towns was convened at Faneuil Hall, which being too small, the assembly adjourned to the Old South Meetinghouse. A resolution was adopted declaring that “the tea shall not be landed, that no duty shall be paid, and that it shall be sent back in the same bottom.” The people also voted “that Mr. Roch, the owner of the vessel, be directed not to enter the tea, at his peril, and that Captain HALL be informed, and at his peril, not to suffer any of the tea to be landed.” The ship was ordered to be moored at Griffin’s Wharf, and a guard of twenty-five men was appointed to watch her. The meeting received a letter from the consignees, offering to store the tea until instructions could be received from England, but the proposal was rejected. The sireriff [sic] then read a proclamation ordering the people to disperse. It was greeted with hisses.

By the 14th of December two other ships loaded with tea had arrived, and were moored at Griffin’s Wharf, under charge of the volunteer guard, and public order was well observed. Another meeting was held on the 14th in the Old South, when it was resolved to order Mr. Roch to apply immediately for a clearance for his ship, and send her to sea. The Governor meanwhile had taken measures to prevent her sailing out of the harbor. Two armed ships were stationed at the entrance, and the commandant of the Castle received orders not to allow any vessel to pass outward without a permit from the Governor.

This roused the popular feeling to a white heat. On the 16th several thousand people met in the Old South and vicinity. SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE presided. The youthful JOSIAH QUINCY made a stirring speech, at the close of which (about three o’clock in the afternoon) the question was put, “Will you abide by your former resolutions with respect to not suffering the tea to be landed?” The vast assembly, as with one voice, gave an affirmative reply. Mr. ROCH in the mean while had been sent to the Governor, who was at his country-house at Milton, a few miles from Boston, to request a permit for his vessel to leave the harbor. A demand was also made upon the Collector for a clearance, but he refused until the tea should be landed. ROCH returned late in the afternoon with information that the Governor refused to grant a permit until a clearance should be exhibited. The meeting was greatly excited; and, as twilight was approaching, a call was made for candles. At that moment a person disguised like a Mohawk Indian raised the war-whoop in the gallery of the Old South, which was answered from without. Another voice in the gallery shouted, “Boston Harbor a tea-pot to-night! Hurra for Griffin’s Wharf!” A motion was instantly made to adjourn, and the people, in great confusion, crowded into the streets. Several persons in disguise were seen crossing Fort Hill in the direction of Griffin’s Wharf, and thitherward the populace pressed.

at Griffin’s Wharf

Concert of action marked the operations at the wharf; a general system of proceedings had doubtless been previously arranged. The number of persons disguised as Indians was fifteen or twenty, but about sixty went on board the vessels containing the tea. Before the work was over it was estimated that one hundred and forty were engaged. A man named LENDALL PITTS seems to have been recognized by the party as a sort of commander-in-chief, and under his directions the Dartmouth was first boarded, the hatches were taken up, and her cargo, consisting of one hundred and fourteen chests of tea, was brought on deck, where the boxes were broken open and their contents cast into the water. The other two vessels (the Eleanor, Captain JAMES BRUCE, and the Beaver, Captain HEZEKIAH COFFIN) were next boarded, and all the tea they contained was thrown into the harbor. The whole quantity thus destroyed within the space of two hours was three hundred and forty-two chests.

It was an early hour on a clear, moonlight evening when this transaction took place, and the British squadron was not more than a quarter of a mile distant. British troops, too, were near, yet the whole proceeding was uninterrupted. This apparent apathy on the part of government officers can be accounted for only by the fact, alluded to by the papers of the time, that something far more serious was expected on the occasion of an attempt to land the tea, and that the owners of the vessels, as well as the public authorities, felt themselves placed under lasting obligations to the rioters for extricating them from a serious dilemma. They certainly would have been worsted in an attempt forcibly to land the tea. In the actual result the vessels and other property were spared from injury; the people of Boston, having carried their resolution into effect, were satisfied; the courage of the civil and military officers was unimpeached, and the “national honor” was not compromised. None but the East India Company, whose property was destroyed, had reason for complaint. A large proportion of those who were engaged in the destruction of the tea were disguised, either by a sort of Indian costume or by blacking their faces. Many, however, were fearless of consequences, and boldly employed their hands without concealing their faces from the bright light of the moon. As soon as the work of destruction was completed the active party marched in perfect order into the town, preceded by drum and fife, dispersed to their homes, and Boston, untarnished by actual mob or riot, was never more tranquil than on that bright and frosty December night.

According to the National Park Service, Faneuil Hall re-enacts the 1873 Woman’s Tea Party meeting during the summer season. Read more about the 1873 meeting here. The Harper’s story above reported that Thomas Wentworth Higginson presided at the 1873 meeting. He was a Unitarian minister, radical abolitionist, and commander of “1st South Carolina Volunteers, a regiment comprised entirely of Black soldiers freed from slavery.” He wrote Army Life in a Black Regiment to “record some of the adventures of the First South Carolina Volunteers, the first slave regiment mustered into the service of the United States during the late civil war.” You can read the book at Project Gutenberg.

Harper’s Weekly January 3, 1874

created enthusiasm in Faneuil Hall

presided at Woman’s Tea Party

_____________________________________________

The 1773 tea protests were apparently only partly about taxes. After the the Seven Years’ War, the British government imposed several taxes to get the American colonists to help pay for the war. The Americans resisted. In 1767 Parliament put duties on several products, including tea. The Americans began boycotts and smuggled in tea from Holland. Parliament eventually repealed the duties, except for the one on tea. The East India Company had a monopoly on British trade with India, but by 1773 the company was in bad financial shape. The company and the British government worked out a plan to help the company. Parliament passed a law rescinding all tea duties for the East India Company except for the 1767 three pence tax. The company could sell cheap tea in America and compete with the smugglers. The colonists weren’t buying it. According to Francis S. Drake’s Tea Leaves (page xi-xiv):

The application of the East India Company to the British government for relief from pecuniary embarrassment, occasioned by the great falling off in its American tea trade, afforded the ministry just the opportunity it desired to fasten taxation upon the American colonies. The company asked permission to export tea to British America, free of duty, offering to allow government to retain sixpence per pound, as an exportation tariff, if they would take off the three per cent. duty, in America. This gave an opportunity for conciliating the colonies in an honorable way, and also to procure double the amount of revenue. But no! under the existing coercive policy, this request was of course inadmissible. At this time the company had in its warehouses upwards of seventeen millions of pounds, in addition to which the importations of the current year were expected to be larger than usual. To such a strait was it reduced, that it could neither pay its dividends nor its debts.

By an act of parliament, passed on May 10, 1773, “with little debate and no opposition,” the company, on exportation of its teas to America, was allowed a drawback of the full amount of English duties, binding itself only to pay the threepence duty[the 1767 tax], on its being landed in the English colonies.

tea consignees beware

In accordance with this act, the lords-commissioners of the treasury gave the company a license (August 20, 1773,) for the exportation of six hundred thousand pounds, which were to be sent to Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Charleston, S.C., the principal American ports. As soon as this became known, applications were made to the directors by a number of merchants in the colonial trade, soliciting a share of what promised to be a very profitable business. The establishment of a branch East India house, in a central part of America, whence the tea could be distributed to other points, was suggested. The plan finally adopted was to bestow the agency on merchants, in good repute, in the colonies, who were friendly to the administration, and who could give satisfactory security, or obtain the guaranty of London houses.

The company and its agents viewed this matter solely in a commercial light. No one supposed that the Americans would oppose the measure on the ground of abstract principle. The only doubt was as to whether the company could, merely with the threepenny duty, compete successfully with the smugglers, who brought tea from Holland. It was hoped they might, and that the difference would not compensate for the risk in smuggling. But the Americans at once saw through the scheme, and that its success would be fatal to their liberties.

The new tea act, by again raising the question of general taxation, diverted attention from local issues, and concentrated it upon one which had been already fully discussed, and on which the popular verdict had been definitely made up. Right and justice were clearly on their side. It was not that they were poor and unable to pay, but because they would not submit to wrong. The amount of the tax was paltry, and had never been in question. Their case was not—as in most revolutions—that of a people who rose against real and palpable oppression. It was an abstract principle alone for which they contended. They were prosperous and happy. It was upon a community, at the very height of its prosperity, that this insidious scheme suddenly fell, and it immediately aroused a more general opposition than had been created by the stamp act. “The measure,” says the judicious English historian, Massey, “was beneficial to the colonies; but when was a people engaged in a generous struggle for freedom, deviated by an insidious attempt to practice on their selfish interests?”

“The ministry believe,” wrote Franklin, “that threepence on a pound of tea, of which one does not perhaps drink ten pounds a year, is sufficient to overcome all the patriotism of an American.” The measure gave universal offence, not only as the enforcement of taxation, but as an odious monopoly of trade. To the warning of Americans that their adventure would end in loss, and to the scruples of the company, Lord North answered peremptorily, “It is to no purpose making objections, the king will have it so. The king means to try the question with America.” How absurd was this assertion of prerogative, and how weak the government, was seen when on the first forcible resistance to his plans, the king was compelled to apply to the petty German states for soldiers. Lord North believed that no difficulty could arise, as America, under the new regulation, would be able to buy tea from the company at a lower price than from any other European nation, and that buyers would always go to the cheapest market. …

The Library of Congress has a copy of the December 16, 1773 issue of The Massachusetts Spy available. Page two includes a letter from the Marblehead Committee of Correspondence to the Boston Committee of Correspondence. At a meeting on December 7th the town passed a series of resolves that supported Boston in its attempt to prevent the tea cargo from being unloaded (on land). The second paragraph has a different way of wording the idea that “taxation without representation is tyranny”

WEDNESDAY December 15.
BOSTON.

The following is a copy of the RESOLVES of the town of MARBLEHEAD, included in a very respectful letter from the Committee of Correspondence for that town, to the Committee for the town of Boston.

At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of Marblehead, qualified to vole in town affairs according to law duly warned and legally convened, the 7th day of December, 1773, pursuant to adjournment

Deacon Stephen Phillips being Moderator.
The following resolves were unan[a]mously passed.

RESOLVED as the opinion of this town
1. That Americans have a right to be as free as any inhabitants of the earth; and to enjoy at all times, an uninterrupted possession of their property.
2. That a tax on Americans without their consent is a measure destructive of their freedom; reflecting [?] the highest dishonour on their resolutions to support it; tending to empoverish all who submit to it; and enabling to dragoon and enslave all who receive it.
3. That the late measures of of the East-India company, in sending their tea to the colonies, their tea being loaded with a duty for raising a revenue in America, are to all intents and purposes so many attempts in them and all employed by them to tax Americans; and said company as well as their factors for these daring attacks upon the liberties of America, so long and resolutely supported by the colonies, are entitled to the highest contempt, and severest marks of resentment from every American.
4. Therefore RESOLVED, That the proceedings of the brave citizens of Boston, and inhabitants of other towns in the province, for opposing the landing this tea, are rational, generous and just: That they are highly honoured and respected by this town for their noble firmness in support of American liberty; and that we are ready with our lives and interests to assist them in opposing these and all other measures tending to enslave our country.
5. That tea from Great-Britain, subject to a duty, whether shipped by the East-India Company or imported by persons here, shall not be landed in this town, while we have the means of opposing it, and that on every attempt of this kind immediate notice shall be given to our brethren in the province.
6. And whereas the tea consignees at Boston, who persist in refusing to reship the tea lately consigned them by the East-India company, have openly trifled with the forbearance of that respectable community, am thereby discovered themselves void of decency, virtue or honour.

Therefore Resolved, That it is the desire of this town to be free from the company of such unworthy miscreants; and its determination to treat them wherever to be found with the contempt which they merit; as well as to carry into execution this resolution against all such as may be any ways concerned in landing tea from Great-Britain thus rendered baneful by it duty.

Voted, That the committee of correspondence of this town be desired to obtain from the Town Clerk’s office, an attested copy of this day’s resolves, and forward the same to the Committee of Correspondence at Boston.

A true copy. Attested,
BENJAMIN BODEN, Town-Clerk

The people from Marblehead said they were ready with their lives and interests to support the cause of American liberty. Josiah Quincy’s speech at the December 16, 1773 meeting in Old South Meetinghouse warned the crowd that they’d have to pay a high price if they continued to defy the British. From Tea Leaves:

Are you ready?

At the afternoon meeting, information was given that several towns had agreed not to use tea. A vote was taken to the effect that its use was improper and pernicious, and that it would be well for all the towns to appoint committees of inspection “to prevent this accursed tea” from coming among them. “Shall we abide by our former resolution with respect to the not suffering the tea to be landed?” was now the question. Samuel Adams, Dr. Thomas Young and Josiah Quincy, Jr.,  an ardent young patriot devotedly attached to the liberties of his country, were the principal speakers. Only a fragment of the speech of Quincy remains. Counselling moderation, and in a spirit of prophecy, he said:

“It is not, Mr. Moderator, the spirit that vapors within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth the events which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Whoever supposes that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge which actuates our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosom, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest, the sharpest conflicts; to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapor will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue.  Let us look to the end. Let us weigh and consider before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrific struggle this country ever saw.”

But the time for weighing and considering the business in hand had passed. Time pressed and decisive action alone remained. “Now that the hand is at the plough,” it was said, “there must be no looking back.”

After the Americans destroyed the tea, the British parliament passed the Intolerable Acts in 1774. The Revolutionary War lasted from 1775 until 1783. It was very difficult, but fortunately for the cause of the fledgling United States, not all Americans were summer soldiers and the sunshine patriots.

“malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge”

According to The Spirit of ‘Seventy-Six (edited by Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris, Castle Books 2002), the American colonists resented the 1773 tea act more for the danger of the East India Company monopoly than for the actual 3 pence tax (page 1). The book publishes part of Josiah Quincy II’s speech at the December 16, 1773 meeting. It’s exactly the same as Tea Leaves‘ copy. The Spirit of ‘Seventy-Six says that “we give here a brief extract of that speech as recalled later by the Reverend William Gordon, self-appointed historian of the Revolution.” I don’t know how accurate Reverend Gordon’s recollection was. According to Founder’s Online. his four-volume history of the Revolution was published in 1786 and criticized in the United States: “The History was criticized in the United States on the grounds of ‘errors and omissions . . . which if designedly made, ought to discredit him as an historian; or if necessarily omitted for the want of information, will serve to show his dilatory disposition in obtaining a proper statement of facts’ (Daily Advertiser [New York], 9 July 1789).”
I found the January 3, 1874 Harper’s Weekly content at HathiTrust. I’m pretty sure Mr. Roch is really Mr. Rotch.
From the Library of Congress: The engraving from W.D. Cooper’s 1789 The History of North America; Faneuil Hall in 1870 – the inset is what the Hall looked like in 1789, it was too small for the needs of Boston and was rebuilt in 1805-1806; Photomechanical print of Lucy Stone; Thomas Wentworth Higginson; the December 16, 1773 issue of The Massachusetts Spy – the resolves from Marblehead are on page 3; the able-doctor cartoon, which “shows Lord North, with the “Boston Port Bill” extending from a pocket, forcing tea (the Intolerable Acts) down the throat of a partially draped Native female figure representing “America” whose arms are restrained by Lord Mansfield, while Lord Sandwich, a notorious womanizer, restrains her feet and peeks up her skirt. Britannia, standing behind “America”, turns away and shields her face with her left hand.”
The black and white image of the tea destruction was published in the December 1851 issue of Harper’s Monthly. I got it at Free-Images.com.
From Wikimedia: Old South Meeting House in 1835; posted warning – licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license – according to Revolutionary War, “The broadside below was posted all over Boston on November 29, 1773, shortly after the arrival of three ships carrying tea owned by the East India Company.”; Gilbert Stuart’s portrait of Josiah Quincy II, “The Patriot”. The painting was done posthumously, about 1825. The thirty-one year old Josiah Quincy II died from tuberculosis on April 26, 1775 in a ship off the Massachusetts shore on his way back from England. He had been arguing the American cause with sympathetic British politicians.
You can read Francis S. Drake’s 1884 Tea Leaves at Project Gutenberg.

Harper’s Weekly January 3, 1874

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gradual recovery

President Ulysses S. Grant’s fifth presidential Thanksgiving proclamation per Pilgrim Hall Museum:

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA – A PROCLAMATION

“dreadful civil strife”

The approaching close of another year brings with it the occasion for renewed thanksgiving and acknowledgment to the Almighty Ruler of the Universe for the unnumbered mercies which He has bestowed upon us.
Abundant harvests have been among the rewards of industry. With local exceptions, health has been among the many blessings enjoyed. Tranquillity at home and peace with other nations have prevailed.
Frugal industry is regaining its merited recognition and its merited rewards.
Gradually but, under the providence of God, surely, as we trust, the nation is recovering from the lingering results of a dreadful civil strife.
For these and all the other mercies vouchsafed it becomes us as a people to return heartfelt and grateful acknowledgments, and with our thanksgiving for blessings we may unite prayers for the cessation of local and temporary sufferings.
I therefore recommend that on Thursday, the 27th day of November next, the people meet in their respective places of worship to make their acknowledgments to Almighty God for His bounties and His protection, and to offer to Him prayers for their continuance.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this 14th day of October, A.D. 1873, and of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-eighth.
U.S. GRANT

One of the things Chicagoans were thankful for was the good weather. From The Chicago Daily Tribune, November 28, 1873 page 2:

CHICAGO.

phenomenal day

Yesterday was a very unusual “Thanksgiving Day.” It was an unusual day in any sense of the word. The ground was robed in festive apparel, and the sky had donned its holiday attire of blue and white. It was, meteorologically considered, an unusual day. Careful housekeepers were sitting at their open windows, watching the sleighs passing fleetly by. The air was still and balmy, and the snow sufficiently well packed and solid to withstand the ardent invitations of the sun to yield. Nothing could have been more satisfactory to the next generation. Skating on the sidewalk was excellent; skating in the middle of the street unusually good. The ‘buses were running with open windows, while the boys were amusing themselves by attaching their sleds to the steps of the same. Such an unusual state of affairs was worthy of note, as being quite phenomenal. It was in delightful contrast with the last national holiday, especially so to the same coming generation, who will ever recollect with feelings of the utmost indignation the atmospheric humidity which caused their firecrackers to expire with an ignoble fizz, and their rockets and Roman candles to feebly glimmer in protest, and then obstinately reject any further invitations to shine with their expected brilliancy. In short, there was just enough snow to please the boys and girls, — just enough to render sleighing possible, and not enough to interfere with street-travel or mar the enjoyment of the day to those who took the opportunity of visiting their relatives residing in distant portions of the city. Nothing could have been more enjoyable than the weather. The impecunious houskeeper [sic], with just one scuttle of coal in his cellar, and no prospect of securing another, chose the occasion to give thanks for the brightness and geniality of the day; the sordid wretch upon whose pocket the appeal for aid had never had effect, gave thanks that there was one less excuse for giving; the poor wretch whose salary, barely large enough to support him when at full-tide, had been cut down to panic level, that his watchful friends had given him one good meal whose beneficent remembrance would cheer him till the stringency of the times should relax; the clerk and the workman gave thanks for one additional Sunday; and the minister, imbued with a feeling of self-satisfaction, gave thanks that, with all the advantages of Sunday, Thanksgiving Day only required of him one sermon. The business portion of the city presented an appearance of serenity which suggested the Day of Rest of the coming municipal administration, the only wholesale and retail places of business open to public patronage being the saloons. The churches in which services were announced were devoutly thronged, and the words of the preacher listened to with an attention quite unusual. Surely no Thanksgiving Day could have been more grateful to the city or more devoutly observed.

I don’t know how many saloons were open, but the Daily Tribune covered religious services at 14 churches and one synagogue.

President Grant’s proclamation stated: “Gradually but, under the providence of God, surely, as we trust, the nation is recovering from the lingering results of a dreadful civil strife.” Down South The Daily Phoenix in Columbia, South Carolina didn’t review Thanksgiving in that city. In its November 27, 1873 issue (image 2) the paper noted “To-day being Thanksgiving Day, the Post Office will be open from 5 to 6 P. M.” and “Thanksgiving Day being regarded as a national holiday, no paper will be issued from the office to-morrow.” When they got back to work on the 29th, the newspapermen only had this to say about the national holiday and the next day: “The weather, Thanksgiving Day, was very unpleasant, and yesterday morning there appeared to be but slight improvement; in the afternoon, however, it cleared off, and the sun shone out beautifully.” (image 2) According to an advertisement on page 3 of the November 27th issue, there was entertainment from New York City available on Thanksgiving Day.

The Daily Phoenix, November 27, 1873 page 3

The Daily Phoenix November 27, 1873 page 2

packed house in Columbia

Chapmans must have been really good

The image of the Chapman sisters (who performed Thanksgiving Eve in Columbia) is from the Library of Congress, same for the photo of General Grant
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Thanksgiving, federal style

Harper’s Weekly, November 29, 1862

When the Civil War started, Thanksgiving was not a national holiday. There seemed to be a tradition of Thanksgiving with turkey in November. Sometimes states (and possibly also localities) declared Thanksgiving Days for a variety of reasons. According to Pilgrim Hall Museum, Abraham Lincoln’s second Thanksgiving Proclamation in 1863 was issued on October 3rd. It was “the first in the unbroken string of annual presidential Thanksgiving proclamations, [and] is regarded as the true beginning of the national Thanksgiving holiday. Actually, it was a resurrection and not a beginning, since there had been earlier national Thanksgivings, beginning with those proclaimed by the Continental Congress during the Revolutionary War.” Here is the first national Thanksgiving proclamation in 1777 per Pilgrim Hall:

Thanksgiving Proclamation 1777
By the Continental Congress
The First National Thanksgiving Proclamation

IN CONGRESS

November 1, 1777
FORASMUCH as it is the indispensable Duty of all Men to adore the superintending Providence of Almighty God; to acknowledge with Gratitude their Obligation to him for Benefits received, and to implore such farther Blessings as they stand in Need of: And it having pleased him in his abundant Mercy, not only to continue to us the innumerable Bounties of his common Providence; but also to smile upon us in the Prosecution of a just and necessary War, for the Defense and Establishment of our unalienable Rights and Liberties; particularly in that he hath been pleased, in so great a Measure, to prosper the Means used for the Support of our Troops, and to crown our Arms with most signal success:

It is therefore recommended to the legislative or executive Powers of these UNITED STATES to set apart THURSDAY, the eighteenth Day of December next, for SOLEMN THANKSGIVING and PRAISE: That at one Time and with one Voice, the good People may express the grateful Feelings of their Hearts, and consecrate themselves to the Service of their Divine Benefactor; and that, together with their sincere Acknowledgments and Offerings, they may join the penitent Confession of their manifold Sins, whereby they had forfeited every Favor; and their humble and earnest Supplication that it may please GOD through the Merits of JESUS CHRIST, mercifully to forgive and blot them out of Remembrance; That it may please him graciously to afford his Blessing on the Governments of these States respectively, and prosper the public Council of the whole: To inspire our Commanders, both by Land and Sea, and all under them, with that Wisdom and Fortitude which may render them fit Instruments, under the Providence of Almighty GOD, to secure for these United States, the greatest of all human Blessings, INDEPENDENCE and PEACE: That it may please him, to prosper the Trade and Manufactures of the People, and the Labor of the Husbandman, that our Land may yield its Increase: To take Schools and Seminaries of Education, so necessary for cultivating the Principles of true Liberty, Virtue and Piety, under his nurturing Hand; and to prosper the Means of Religion, for the promotion and enlargement of that Kingdom, which consisteth “in Righteousness, Peace and Joy in the Holy Ghost.”

And it is further recommended, That servile Labor, and such Recreation, as, though at other Times innocent, may be unbecoming the Purpose of this Appointment, be omitted on so solemn an Occasion.

Apparently Congress’s recommendation had to be agreeable to the states. According to the Library of Congress, the State of Massachusetts-Bay officially approved on November 27th:

Massachusetts-Bay agrees

I didn’t see any evidence at the Library of Congress that the State of New Hampshire agreed to the Congressional recommendation, but on November 17th New Hampshire did proclaim its own Thanksgiving Day for December 4th, two weeks before Congress’s suggestion. This is the text of New Hampshire’s proclamation per the Library of Congress:

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.

A PROCLAMATION,

For a General Thanksgiving.

IT being the United Voice of Reason and Revelation, that Men should praise the Lord for hisGoodness and for his wonderful Works to the Children of Men; and the Year, now drawing to a close, being distinguished by many great and signal Favours of Divine Providence, conferred on this, and the other United States of America amidst our deep Distresses, and notwithstanding our manifold and aggravated Offences; sensible that Ingratitude is the basest of Characters, which, with deep Abhorrence we should ever avoid; and in order that our great and bountiful Benefactor may have the praise and glory, due for his Mercies, in the most conspicuous and solemn Manner ascribed to him:

THE COUNCIL and Representatives of this STATE, in General Court assembled, have appointed THURSDAY, the fourth Day of December next, to be a Day of public THANKSGIVING throughout this STATE; and hereby solemnly exhort and require both Ministers and People, of every Profession, religiously to devote the said Day to the Purpose aforesaid; and with unfeigned Gratitude and Ardour address the all-gracious Jehovah with their united Ascriptions of Praise, for the essential Benignity of his Nature, and the exuberant Profusions of his Goodness—for the paternal Tenderness with whichthe Corrections of his Rod, so abundantly deserved by our Back-slidings and heinous Offences, have been managed, and the rich Mercy he hath intermixed with his Judgments; particularly that he hath so far supported the great American Cause, and defeated the Counsels and Efforts of our merciless Oppressors. That he hath smiled on our Councils and Arms, and crown’d them with signal Success, especially in the Northern Department, in turning the Advantage the Enemy seemed to have gotten against us, by possessing themselves of the Fortress of Ticonderoga, to their own Confusion—and giving one of the principal Armies of Britain wholly into our Hands, with so little Blood-shed; in which great Event, so interesting to the important Cause depending, the Arm of the LORD of Host, the GOD of the Armies of Israel, is conspicuously manifest, demanding the Power, the Glory, and the Victory to be ascribed to him, and inviting our further Hope and Confidence in his Mercy. That he hath preserved our Sea-Coasts in safety—preserv’d the inestimably precious Life of our worthy General, and Commander in Chief, and so many of our Officers and Soldiers; and that the present Campaign, pursued by our Enemies with such direful Breathings of Cruelty and Slaughter, and such sirenuous [sic – probably strenuous] Exertions on one Side and another, has not been more bloody. That he is mercifully continuing the several American States firmly united in the Common Cause; and giving us such a promising, animating Prospect, of being able (by his further Help) finally to support our Liberty and Independency against all the Power, and Policy of Britain to subject and enslave us. That he hath bless’d us with so much Health in our Camps, and in our Habitations whereby we have been able to carry on the necessary Labours of the Field, while so many were call’d off to Arms. That he hath bless’d us with a very fruitful Season, and given us, in great Plenty, the precious Productions of the Earth for Food and Cloathing, peculiarly precious at a Time when our Imports from abroad are chiefly stop’d, and, therefore, binding the Duty of Gratitude and Praise upon us with encreased Obligation.—And above all, that in the greatness of his Forbearance and long suffering, he is yet continuing to us, an unthankful, unfruitful People, the blessed Gospel of JESUS CHRIST; and our Religious Liberty and Priviledges, by which we have the happiest Advantage for glorifying our Creator and Redeemer, and securing our eternal well-being.

And, as, in present Circumstances, we have Reason to rejoice with trembling, so let the Solemnity be attended with the deepest Humiliation, before the great Sovereign, for our many crying Sins and great Unworthiness of his Favours—begging Forgiveness thro’ the all-atoneing Blood of the Cross; and the plentiful out-pouring of the Divine Spirit, for a general Reformation of Manners and Revival of Religion among us, left [sic – probably lest] being deaf to the loud, united Calls of Judgment and Mercy, we provoke the God of Heaven to forsake us, after all the great Things he hath done for us; and so our unrepented Iniquity prove our Ruin.

And all servile LABOUR is forbidden on said Day.

By Order of the COUNCIL and Assembly, EXETER, November 17th, 1777.
M. Weare, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
E. THOMPSON, Secretary.

GOD save the United-States of AMERICA.

EXETER; Printed by Zechariah Fowle, junr. 1777.

Thanks for Saratoga

treasure in an attic

Much has changed since 1777. Back then Congress recommended that recreation be omitted on the day of Thanksgiving. Nowadays recreation/entertainment is a big part of the celebration. By the late 19th century people played and watched college football on the holiday. The games weren’t only in New York City. Here is a 1910 example from Nashville:

You can see the rest of the newspaper and read more about the game at the Library of Congress. The Library also has more general information about the Globe:
The Nashville Globe was a black-owned and operated publication launched in 1906. Richard Henry Boyd, the primary architect of the Globe, was a former slave from Texas. After teaching himself to read and write, Boyd attended Bishop College in Marshall, Texas, and spent several years organizing churches and Baptist organizations for freedmen. In 1896, Boyd moved to Nashville, Tennessee, and founded the National Baptist Publishing Board (NBPB) and in 1904 the One-Cent Savings Bank. The following year, when the city made it mandatory for all streetcars to be segregated by race, Boyd, along with his son Henry A. Boyd, Dock A. Hart, Charles A. Burrell, and Evans Tyree, formed the Globe Publishing Company. Its purpose was to publish a newspaper to promote a boycott of the city’s streetcars and to combat racial discrimination and social inequalities. The first issue of the Nashville Globe was published in January 1906.
The Republican weekly was published on Fridays at the NBPB’s facilities. Henry A. Boyd and Joseph O. Battle oversaw the editorial content, which focused on dispelling false assumptions perpetuated about African Americans by white mainstream newspapers, speaking out against racial segregation and injustice, and promoting self-help literature and middle-class deportment within the black community. …
I noticed on page 3 of the Thanksgiving Globe that “Negroes are no longer considered slow in foot ball.”

Nashville Globe November 24, 1910 page 3

opposed streetcar segregation

President Laurens

The teams that played the Thanksgiving in Nashville are historically black educational institutions (Fisk and Meharry) that are still in operation today. According to Pilgrim Hall the last general national thanksgiving day before President Lincoln’s 1863 was held in April 1815 in gratitude for the end of the War of 1812. The Presidential Proclamation is still unbroken
From the Library of Congress: Percy Moran’s c1911 painting of Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga – apparently American General Gates refused to accept General Burgoyne’s sword; the newspaper clipping is at the same link as Massachusett’s endorsement of the federal Thanksgiving day – I didn’t see any information about when and where the clipping was published – I think the clipping got a couple dates wrong, Lincoln’s proclamation and Burgoyne’s surrender; part of page 1 of the November 25, 1954 issue of The Key West Citizen – The Thanksgiving article backs up Pilgrim Hall: “In his book “History of Thanksgiving and Proclamations,” H.S.J. Sickel writes that presidential proclamations —but not state or local ones fell into disuse for nearly a half century until revived by Lincoln. …”
One of the places you can find Winslow Homer’s “Thanksgiving in Camp” is at the Internet Archive. The image was published in the November 29, 1862 issue of <Harper’s Weekly, which is available at Internet Archive. That issue also included a cartoon with two turkeys and a Thanksgiving story. I got the photo of R. H. Boyd at Wikipedia. That’s also where I got Lemuel Francis Abbott’s 1781 or 1784 painting of Henry Laurens, who was born in Charleston, South Carolina and was a slave-trader. Henry Laurens served as President of the Continental Congress from November 1, 1777-December 9, 1778. November 1, 1777 was the date of the Congressional Thanksgiving proclamation above. On November 15, 1777 the Continental Congress passed the Articles of Confederation.

Massachusetts Dreamin’

Happy Thanksgiving!

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A death on Kearsarge Avenue

Kearsrage vs. Alabama, June 19, 1864

For two years the CSS Alabama wreaked havoc with Union shipping. That stopped on June 19, 1864 when the USS Kearsarge sunk the rebel commerce raider off the coast of France. John Winslow, the Kearsarge’s commander, died at his home in Boston 150 years ago last month. From the October 18, 1873 issue of Harper’s Weekly:

THE LATE ADMIRAL WINSLOW.

We give on this page a portrait of the late Rear-Admiral JOHN A. WINSLOW, the hero of the Kearsage and Alabama fight, who died on Monday, September 29, at his residence on Kearsarge Avenue, Boston Highland, after an illness of nearly two years. The late Admiral was in the sixty-second year of his age, having been born on the 9th of November, 1811, in North Carolina. On the 1st of February, 1827, he entered the Naval Academy as the protégé of DANIEL WEBSTER, having been then a resident of North Carolina. He was with the Falmouth (West India) squadron, in 1829-1831, and in 1833 was promoted to the rank of Passed Midshipman. He was sent to the Boston Navy-yard in 1834, and he accompanied the Brazil squadron in 1835-37. He obtained the commission of Lieutenant December 9, 1839, and subsequently took part in the Mexican War, as chief officer on board the Saratoga, twenty guns, but he was not again actively employed until 1852, when he was detailed for the St. Lawrence, the flag-ship of Commander DULANG. In 1855 he was promoted to the rank of Commander, and ordered to Boston. In 1862, upon the organization of the Mississippi flotilla, he was recalled to active duty with the commission of Captain. On the 16th of July he was appointed to the command of the Kearsarge, and in recognition of his services on board that vessel, he was, after the sinking of the Alabama, promoted to the rank of Commodore; and on the 2d of March, 1870, when a resident of Massachusetts, he obtained the rank of Rear-Admiral, commanding the Pacific fleet. His total sea service was twenty years and ten months; on shore, off duty, thirteen years and one month; unemployed, eleven years and nine months – making a total service of forty-five years and eight months. The late Admiral was a man of rather full habit, with hair thin and quite gray. He dressed plainly, and his manner was quiet and unassuming.

Pilgrim’s descendant

no more Alabama (at sea level)

circular fight

According to Wikipedia, John Ancrum Winslow was “a descendant of Mayflower passenger Mary Chilton and her husband John Winslow, who was a brother of Pilgrim father Edward Winslow.” Also, during the Mexican War Winslow shared a shipboard cabin with Raphael Semmes, the Alabama’s commander.
You can read about The Battle of Cherbourg at Naval History and Heritage Command, where I got three of the images: the top battle scene; Winslow in profile; Kearsarge’s officers on deck “at Cherbourg, France, soon after her 19 June 1864 victory over CSS Alabama. Her Commanding Officer, Captain John A. Winslow, is 3rd from left.”
Other sites with articles about the naval battle include Warfare History Network and the Encyclopedia of Alabama. The Alabama shipwreck was discovered in 1984.
The 1873 Harper’s Weekly content is from Hathi Trust; the section reproduced above is on page 917. From the Library of Congress: sheet music; a Winslow report and battle map

Captain Winslow 3rd from left

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still salient

“This country is fortunate in its Gettysburg”

Thirty years after the Battle of Gettysburg, Union General Daniel Sickles’ management of the Third Corps on the second day of the battle was still controversial. From the August 24, 1893 issue of The National Tribune:

THIS country is fortunate in its Gettysburg, a spot where the works of man have joined themselves humbly to the handiwork of the Creator, to lend undying interest to a scene that leaves us without cause to envy our British cousins their possession of Waterloo. In the preservation of this battlefield, and its enrichment by monuments to those who fought or fell there, one sees how human nature craves visible expression for sentiments that stir it deeply.

Gettysburg perpetual and transcendent, so, necessarily, are its controversies; many and various, and shared in about equal number and measure between the hosts that massed, respectively, on and about the Seminary and Cemetery Hills. One of them, coveniently [sic] known to history as the Meade-Sickles controversy, is the subject of this present brief article.

Thanks to the chief actors in this dispute, a full and clear apprehension of its elements is at command. This is not a small matter, where arguments are so often profitless because they revolve about, without touching each other.

It was nearly seven years after the battle when Gen. Meade, his knowledge and judgment refined by time and reflection, his lips and heart unsealed by the privacy of his communication,
OPENED HIS MIND
unreservedly to Col. Benedict, of Vermont, upon the subject of the advancement of the Third Corp line, at the extreme left of the Union position, on the second day of Gettysburg. His confidence remained unviolated for 16 years; then the publication of his letter to Benedict summoned Gen. Sickles, as it were, by a voice from the grave, to his defense. This he rendered with a full measure of that skill in the presentation of an argument or statement for which he is justly distinguished.

Gen. Meade’s final complaint against his former Lieutenant may be thus concisely and accurately summarized: Gen. Sickles was ordered, on the morning of the second
day, to relieve Geary and occupy his position. He knew the position, for Geary informed him of it. That position included Round Top, where Geary had a brigade posted. Geary advised Sickles of the character and importance of Round Top, yet Sickles did not occupy it nor take measures for its occupation.

About noon of that day the Commanding General personally told Sickles that his right was to be at Hancock’s left and his left on Round Top, which elevation the Commanding General pointed out to him. Despite the orders he received, Gen. Sickles placed his right three-quarters of a mile in advance of Hancock and his left a quarter mile in front of the base of Round Top.

Nothing but the advance of the Fifth Corps, a matter not within the knowledge or control of Sickles, saved Round Top from the enemy, who, by planting his artillery there, would have
COMMANDED THE WHOLE FIELD,
with consequences most disastrous to the Union army. This advancement of his lines by Gen. Sickles caused a loss upwards of 12,000 men in killed and wounded, besides practically destroying the Third, half destroying the Fifth, and heavily damaging the Second Corps.

In return for these sacrifices, the Union army gained nothing but a compulsory retreat to the true and prescribed position of the Third Corps.

The losses of this day, added to those of the first day, greatly impaired the spirit and efficiency of the army, and deprived its commander of that audacity in the offense that otherwise he might have possessed.

Little Round Top, not Round Top proper, is presumably the hill to which Gen. Meade refers as occupied by Geary and pointed out by himself to Sickles; yet the accuracy or looseness of the designation leaves uncertain the exact picture of the left that Gen. Meade had in his mind when writing the letter to Col. Benedict. He fails also to take into account the losses and damage inflicted on the enemy in the fight that ended in the forcing back of the Federal line to Cemetery Ridge and Little Round Top, or to apportion the decline of morale in his troops between the affairs of the first and second days.

Small criticisms these in the abstract, perhaps; but not such when Gen. Sickles is so pointedly charged with responsibility for the
LOSS AND DAMAGE
to the army and its commander.

Now for the defense made by Gen. Sickles on the appearance of the Benedict letter. He says, in effect and substance, that he never acquired other knowledge of Geary’s position than the general definition of it by Gen. Hancock in sending Geary to the left in the afternoon of the first day.

Geary’s troops were out of position and massed when he saw them, and Geary gave him no advice nor information on any subject. His order to relieve Geary came after Geary’s troops had moved over to the right, and following Hancock’s definition he took up the high ground to the right of Round Top, commanding the Emmitsburg and Taneytown roads.

After doing this and connecting with the Second Corps to his right he had not the troops with which to occupy Round Top, but aware of its character and importance
he asked Gen. Meade for troops to occupy it.

Gen. Sickles denies that Gen. Meade ever told him that his left was to be on Round Top, which he says is 2,200 yards from Hancock’s left, and would have necessitated the spreading of his small corps out into a skirmish-line to have occupied so wide a front. He adds that his line in such a case would have run through swale, morass, bowlders and tangle unfit for infantry and impracticable for artillery, and that half his artillery could not have found standing room, to say nothing of manuvering.

Before him would have been a commanding ridge at the service of the enemy, who would also have possessed the Emmitsburg and its intersecting roads leading in upon
the Union left.

Gen. Sickles will not permit Gen. Meade, through inadvertence or lapse of memory,
TO ACCUSE HIMSELF
of having assigned the Third Corps to a position that would, so Gen. Sickles contends, have tied his own hands and loosed those of the enemy.

Continuing his defense, Gen. Sickles says that he posted his command in exact conformity to the one, only order he received, from first to last, on the subject of his position. Birney’s Division took up the line that Hancock had ordered Geary to hold, its left at Round Top, its right thrown toward the Cemetery and connecting with Humphreys’s Division, posted between Hancock and Birney.

The picket-line was in the Emmitsburg road. He cites Gen. Meade’s testimony before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, in 1864, that Sickles
expressed dissatisfaction with the line assigned him; that he told Sickles to post his troops and take up ground as he deemed best within the limits of the general instructions, and that he had sent Gen. Hunt, the Chief of Artillery, to examine some positions that Sickles wished to occupy, and to give the latter the benefit of his judgment about them.

Not until after all this, declares Gen. Sickles, were his lines advanced, and when, after the attack by the enemy had began, the Commanding General joined him at the front and saw his new dispositions, that commander ordered no change nor proposed any.

With regard to the preservation of Round Top by the Fifth Corps, Gen. Sickles says that no troops came to safeguard it in response to his request made early in the morning. Worse than that, Buford’s cavalry was withdrawn during the morning, uncovering and endangering the whole Union left, and that his energetic representations on this subject were without result. He states that he sent in repeated reports of the preparations the enemy was discovered to be making for an attack upon the Federal left, but these were disregarded. When the attack came ho resisted it successfully for more than two hours without assistance.

Gen. Sickles considers Gen. Meade’s estimate of more than 12,000 killed and wounded on the second day as a gross exaggeration, even if the losses due to the far-off attack on the Federal right be included. He declares that the
THIRD CORPS WAS NOT DESTROYED
in fact or effect, but that its right wing was aggressive and successful to the very close of the action. He denies that the Union forces were driven back to the positions stated by Gen. Meade, and alleges that the advanced position of his corps was held, to the end of the fight, on the right by troops of that corps, and on the left by other troops. He charges the losses that did occur to the strength and persistence of the attack, and, in part, to the delay in coming to his support.

But he asserts the enemy’s loss to have been at least as great as that of the National forces, and holds, therefore, that Gen. Meade had no cause to complain of the result.

There is not room in this article to set out the evidence by which the issues raised by the Meade-Bonedict letter and the rejoinder by Gen. Sickles must be decided. A careful examination of it by the writer leads him to the conclusion that the first position of the Third Corps conformed intelligently and substantially to such orders and information as Gen. Sickles had received.

This disposes of the first charge of neglect or disobedience of orders. Whether the advancement of the line was a wise or unwise movement on the part of Gen. Sickles is a matter on which the present writer does not presume to offer judgment. The preponderance of competent military opinion seems to be against it. Yet the original position was unquestionably a bad one, as Gen. Sickles claims, and the advanced position certainly had the advantages he assigns to it, even if accompanied by disadvantages not appreciated at the time, nor since admitted by him.

Setting aside the technical question of the degree of military skill evinced by Gen. Sickles in moving to the new position instead of staying in the old one, the material question is whether the movement was justifiable at the time it was made and under the circumstances that preceded and attended it.

In 1864 Gen. Meade made the matter a mere and honest difference of judgment between himself and Gen. Sickles. To put the question in that way could afford the
latter no ground of complaint, and he did not, and does not, complain of it.

But in the Benedict letter this variance in judgment is enlarged into
CONTUMACIOUS DISOBEDIENCE
of orders, aggravated (if anything could aggravate such an offense) by enormous damage in its results. This withering accusation is the subject of the defense
made by the accused subordinate.

The accusation is unjust, though the character of Gen. Meade is a warranty that he believed it when he made it. It is in evidence that Gen. Sickles was dissatisfied with the position of his command, and communicated his objections to it, and his desire to move forward to the elevated ground in front, to the Commanding General; also, that Gen. Meade authorized him to post his command according to his discretion, within the limits of the general instructions, and, further, that he sent Gen. Hunt to inspect the proposed positions of Gen. Sickles and to advise and assist him in reference to them.

It is likewise in evidence that Gen. Hunt while desirous to avoid any direct responsibility, and to reserve for the Commanding General the opportunity of decision, was not, upon the whole, unfavorably impressed by the new positions preferred by Gen. Sickles. That he was impressed by the importance of the question whether the Third Corps should stay where it was or go forward is proved by his promise to Gen. Sickles to return at once to Gen. Meade and lay the matter before him.

Thereupon Gen. Sickles waited for the order to go or stay that he confidently expected as the result of Hunt’s visit and promise, but no order came. Convinced
that the enemy was massing in his front for an attack upon him, aware that his flank was uncovered, and believing that to remain in his then position would tie his hands while freeing those of the enemy, he advanced his lines, upon bis own responsibility, at what he conceived to be virtually the last moment of grace left to him before the storm of battle should, burst upon his command. Here, surely, was no disobedience, neglect, contumacy, usurpation of authority,or any other censurable or unmilitary conduct.

On the contrary, here was meritorious action, conducted with every attribute of personal and military-propriety. His generalship may have been grievously at fault, but the conduct of Gen. Sickles was certainly patriotic and soldierly in this affair. Seeing and understanding his situation as he did, he would have been morally culpable had he
NOT ADVANCED HIS LINES.

Two reasons appear in the Benedict letter of 1870 for Gen. Meade’s unfavorable change of opinion respecting the conduct of Gen. Sickles. The first is that Gen. Geary had then recently informed Gen. Meade that he had sent word to Sickles as to the position the latter was to occupy, including Round Top, and the importance of that elevation.

But Gen. Sickles states that he received no communication whatever from Geary; hence, Gen. Meade did him an unintentional wrong in building up a theory of purposeful neglect and disobedience upon Geary’s undelivered communication.

Secondly, Gen. Meade believed that Gen. Sickles had been active in the fomentation of an untruthful and malicious theory, the purport of which is that the advance of the Third Corps brought on an engagement which thwarted an intention and preparation by Gen. Meade to scuttle from the position at Gettysburg without a fight. Gen. Sickles, however, separates himself from those who did spitefully spread this calumny, knowing it to be false.

One cannot help wishing that an opportunity had been given to Gen. Sickles while Gen. Meade lived to vindicate himself from the latter’s unfounded suspicion
that the former was one of the slanderers who so grievously tormented the later years of the Federal commander at Gettysburg.

It was not possible, however, for Gen. Sickles to deny in the lifetime of Gen. Meade an accusation that did not come to his knowledge till after Gen. Meade’s death. They have alike, suffered in feelings and reputation from the perversion of highly meritorious and soldierly conduct into groundless occasion of reproach.

History will in the end set its obliterating seal upon the dual injustice, but the processes of history are painfully slow to those who suffer from injustice.

The advancement of the Third Corps line did not procure the glory of Gettysburg, nor dim it. The fight that followed, but was not caused by the advance, was a glorious one, illuminated as it was by the heroic courage and endurance of those who took part in it. Fought, as it was, in a position chosen, upon high motives, by a commander loyal to his chief and his duty, no shadow of reproach can fall upon it.

Lastly, it was a serviceable, not a useless fight; for it inflicted blows upon the enemy that contributed materially to the final success of the long-drawn and fiercely-waged conflict.

Much honor was justly won at Gettysburg by Meade, and by Sickles, and truth and justice could be but outraged by any attempt to uplift the one by pulling the other down.

Sickles advanced

An appendix in Jacob Hoke’s 1887 The Great Invasion of 1863 also discusses the controversy. It begins (page 570, image 578) with an Abraham Lincoln anecdote:

This appendix also includes part of the 1870 Meade letter to Colonel Benedict and part of an article Confederate General Lafayette McLaws wrote for the Philadelphia Weekly Press in 1886. McLaws sided with Meade. Jacob Hoke thought that at least one of the reasons General Sickles didn’t stay in the main Union line on July 2nd is because General Meade issued a qualified order for Sickles to occupy Little Round Top “provided it was practicable to occupy it.”

You can read all of General Meade’s 1870 letter to George Benedict at LatinAmericanStudies (page 350). In 1892 the Medal of Honor was awarded to George Grenville Benedict for his heroism on July 3, 1863 at Gettysburg. Businessman and author Jacob Hoke lived in Chambersburg, PA during the great invasion.

Colonel Benedict

Meade and other Union generals, September 1863

provided a Confederate take on controversy

Charles F. Benjamin, The National Tribune writer, transferred from the 38th New York Infantry to the 40th on June 5, 1863. According to the New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center, the 40th NY Infantry, ” As part of the 3d brigade, 1st division, 3d corps, Army of the Potomac, from May, 1863, the regiment proceeded from Chancellorsville to Gettysburg, where it again distinguished itself for bravery with a loss of 150 killed, wounded or missing.”

fighter, writer

40th NY monument at Gettysburg

great invasion stymied

From the Library of Congress: the August 24, 1893 issueof The National Tribune; The Gouverneur Kemble Warren statue on Little Round Top – you can see some modern (color) pictures and read more about the general at Stone Sentinels; Jacob Hoke’s 1887 book, which includes the non-Jespersen map, I did not notice a reference for the Sickles-Lincoln anecdote; General Meade and others at Culpeper, Va. in September 1863, includes Warren, Hunt, and Sykes; Lafayette McLaws; cheering Sickles at Gettysburg, July 1913, the general attended the 50th anniversary commemoration.
Hal Jespersen’s map of Day 2 at Gettysburg is from Wikimedia Commons and is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported. Also from Wikimedia Commons the the photo of George Benedict; also the 40th New York Infantry monument at Gettysburg – the photo is by Carptrash and is licensed under Creative Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported. The monument is situated just north of Devil’s Den. You can read a very good article about the 40th and the July 2nd battle at Emerging Civil War
[September 16, 2023}I changed the size of a couple images and noted that the picture of Sickles being cheered was at the 50th anniversary commemoration of the battle.

“Cheering Sickles,” Gettysburg, July 1913

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muted celebration?

bucking bronco

Recently National Review compared and contrasted The United States and Britain: “Every nation needs a mythic anchor. Ours is our revolutionary self-founding. Britain is its longer, slower maturation.”

Eight years after the Civil War ended a Southern newspaper didn’t feel much like celebrating the American founding. From the July 4, 1873 issue of The Daily Phoenix:

COLUMBIA, S. C.
Friday Morning, July 4, 1873.

Fourth of July.
The recurrence of this anniversary once gladdened the hearts of men and boys throughout all this vast country. The celebration is now largely discontinued, and where it does take place at all, it is generally a tame or hypocritical affair. There is an irrepressible feeling that the significance of the day has been lost; that it is, in fact, no longer independence day. The glories of Banker Hill, of Eutaw, the Cowpens, Yorktown and all the other celebrated battle-fields of the revolution, are, nevertheless, cherished in the hearts of the people. But they will not make a mockery of celebrating them in the circumstances in which they now are. The heel of the oppressor must be lifted from their necks, before they can again take part in a day which they once delighted to honor. They leave it to those with whom profession is as good as practice, and who find political and personal advantage in keeping up the hollow ceremonial.

On the other hand, some Northerners were reportedly very excited about celebrating Independence Day. They started weeks ahead of time. From the July 12, 1873 issue of Harper’s Weekly:

HOME AND FOREIGN GOSSIP.
It is coming, rapidly coming nearer. We perceive it in the very air; the topic is on every tongue; the sound of its approach vibrates on the ear. Newspapers need not announce its dangerous propinquity; there is no occasion to herald its arrival from the house-tops. Weeks ago the very boys in the street whispered of its fast-coming footsteps, and now they noisily shout its name on willing and unwilling ears. Do not be alarmed, reader; it is not the cholera of which we speak—it is only the “Glorious Fourth!” About four weeks ago a sudden explosion at our feet announced that the lengthened Fourth of July had fairly commenced. Since that time, at early dawn, at noonday, and at night, we have been incessantly warned of that anniversary whose culmination is so near. The squibs and crackers and torpedoes, which have snapped and fizzed in our ears these past weeks, would have extinguished patriotism in any but an American heart. But every true-born son — and daughter, in these days of “equal rights” — of America is expected to open not only patient but delighted ears to the ceaseless noise and clatter with which we celebrate our nation’s Independence-day. Well, the sick and nervous and quiet-minded must endure. To them it seems strange that there is such delight in noise. But so it is. Boys are the same the world around, and by them no day is hailed with keener pleasure than is the Fourth of July. It matters not to them that it brings din and dust, smoke and rubbish, and they enjoy it to the uttermost in spite of burned fingers and scorched trowsers.

  ___________

The American Public Health Association assures us that thorough cleanliness, an abundant supply of pure water, skillful disinfection, temperate habits, wholesome diet, and pure air are the trusted means of health and security in all places,and for all classes of people, when exposed to the infection of cholera. This so much dreaded disease is now pretty thoroughly understood, and by timely and intelligent means may be prevented, or controlled and extinguished.

______________________ …

It seems that the Fourth of July was still a noisy and possibly dangerous celebration five years later – at least in some places.

Harper’s Weekly July 13, 1878 page 548

still not the cholera

To get back to Columbia’s Daily Phoenix, the editors might not have celebrated Independence Day but they did observe it. A notice on the same page as the editorial explained there wouldn’t be a July 5th issue because the paper was taking the Fourth off. Also on the same page was a long correspondence from someone who had the chance to view the original Declaration of Independence:
THE FOURTH OF JULY.- A correspondent furnishes the following interesting account of the inception of the Declaration of Independence. It was written shortly after inspecting the original, in the Patent Office in Washington. We make free extracts, as appropriate to the “Day we Celebrate:”
I wandered round the edifice, when, in not a very conspicuous place, I stumbled upon the original Declaration of Independence. I could hardly believe my own eyes. It was very much faded, but I read and re-read it, and I traced every name. It is the most important document connected with the history of our country, and the history of the world. In reading the glorious document, I was immediately transported to Independence Hall, Philadelphia, and back to July 4, 1776, and to the men who signed it. I listened to the discussions that preceded it, and then I witnessed their fixing their names to that immortal paper. There were the representatives of thirteen colonies struggling for freedom.
The declaration was not a hasty production, but prepared with great care, and adopted after mature consideration, weighing every sentence, every word, and every sentiment. On the 11th of June, a committee, consisting of five, viz: Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston, was appointed to prepare the declaration. In this committee, Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and New York were represented. Jefferson, though one of the youngest of the committee, and one of the youngest members of the House, was chairman. What confidence they reposed in him, when we consider his age, and the splendid men who were on the committee with him. …
The document itself is a sublime wonder. It is not a class of “glittering genealogies,” but contains great and eternal principles, drawn from the gospel of freedom. The Bible is a declaration of independence; it is a divine declaration of independence; it is a divine declaration of human independence. Our fathers said: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by the Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among them are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. All this is found in Paul’s memorable sermon on Mars Hill, where he declared that “God had made of one blood firm reliance on Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. “Every man who signed it counted the cost and weighed the issues. Each knew that if they failed of securing their independence, they would be executed for high treason. Was there ever such a pledge – first, their lives; second, their fortunes; third, their sacred honor? Not common honor, not ordinary honor, but the most exalted, the purest honor. This was the crowning pledge – as if it were far in advance of either “life” or “fortune.” This is the grand, sublime climax. It was indeed the world’s wonder and the world’s model. There were fifty-six signers.
The first-that we are introduced to is John Hancock, the President of the Congress, the merchant prince of Boston – as pure a patriot as ever lived; one who said, “Burn Boston, and make John Hancock a beggar, if it is necessary to save the nation.” He did not write his name in a fine, lady’s hand, but in full, round, bold letters, and throwing down his pen, he said, “I think King George can read that without his spectacles.” …

large signature

The Declaration of Independence has been through a lot in two hundred and forty-seven years. According to the National Archives, much of the fading the correspondent noticed was due to its exhibition at the Patent Office: “While the Declaration hung on a wall with some shade from the south, the cumulative exposure to light in the space—especially for the 35 years of exhibition—was extreme.” During the 19th century the document was on display for over fifty years uncontrolled conditions. More damage occurred in the early 20th century, including a mysterious handprint in the lower left-hand corner. Nowadays the Declaration, Constitution, and Bill of Rights are all on display at the National Archives’ Rotunda for the Charters of Freedom.

Patent Office, c1846

The Detroit Times July 5, 1909

ready to celebrate

“equal rights” c1906

The quote from National review was on page 12 of its May 29, 2023 issue. The context was the coronation of Charles III. He’s considered the 62th English and/or British monarch going all the way back to the early 9th century – Ecgberht, King of Wessex.
[July 7, 2023] I should have mentioned that John Hancock’s statement about King George’s spectacles is now considered apocryphal – see Wikipedia.
From the Library of Congress: the 1779 cartoon showing America throwing King George III – but Lord North, the British prime minister from 1770-1782 written on the image – this is a British cartoon; the July 4, 1873 issue of Columbia, South Carolina’s The Daily Phoenix (page 2); F Street facade of the Patent Office; happy boy, c1901; well-armed girl; the images from the editorial page (image 8) of the July 9, 1909 edition of The Detroit Times – an editorial pointed out that child labor in factories could be at least as dangerous for boys and girls as Fourth of July firecrackers, page 1 reported 19 killed and 427 hurt in Fourth of July celebrations across the country, 10 were killed by toy pistols (that’s what it says), a Library of Congress blog provided documentation that showed the 1909 total number of killed and wounded to be much higher; Carol M. Highsmith’s 2010 photo of the fireworks store near Decatur, Alabama.
The 1873 Harper’s Weekly content is from Hathi Trust; the section reproduced above is on page 599. I found the images from the July 13, 1878 issue of Harper’s Weekly at the Internet Archive

The Detroit Times July 5, 1909

spirited ’76 (Detroit Times 7-5-1909)

near near Decatur, Alabama 2010

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, American Culture, American History, Postbellum Politics, Postbellum Society, Southern Society | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

spreading the news

Gordon Granger

As the American Civil War ended, federal troops took control of Galveston, Texas. On June 19, 1865 General Gordon Granger used a military order to announce that more than two years earlier President Abraham freed the slaves in Texas and other rebel states. The Boston Daily Journal reported this in its July 7, 1865 evening edition:

FROM TEXAS: Gen. Granger issued an order at Galveston on the 19th ult. informing the people of Texas that by virtue of the emancipation proclamation all slaves are free, which involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves. The freedmen are advised to remain quietly at their present homes and work for wages. They are informed that they will not be allowed to collect at military posts, and that they will not be supported in idleness either there or elsewhere.

June 19th orders

The General has also issued an order declaring all acts of the Governor and Legislature, since the ordinance of secession, illegitimate. All civil and military officers and agents of the so-called Confederate States government, or of the State of Texas, and all persons formerly connected with the Confederate States army, in Texas, are ordered to report at once for parole. Public property must be delivered to the officers of the United States. Guerillas, jayhawkers, horse thieves, etc., etc., are declared outlaws and enemies of the human race, and will be dealt with accordingly.

The telegraph lines of Texas are to be worked by the companies, subject to the supervision of Mr. L.B. Spellman, of the United States Military Telegraph.

Senator Johnson of Arkansas had surrendered to General Granger, and having been paroled by the latter, had returned to Marlin, where his family was residing. Mr. Johnson was one of the leading politicians of his State.

who knew?

A letter from Houston to the New Orleans Picayune says:

“A general sacking of government stores and division of the plunder occurred in all the towns along the homeward line of march of the disbanded rebel troops. In a few instances even private property was not respected, and occasional encounters between soldiers and civilians, together with accidents, resulting in loss of life, have been the consequence. Among the latter the most serious was the loss of fifteen lives and the destruction of nearly half of the town of Navasota by the explosion of a magazine, which they had entered for the purpose of getting powder. The cause of the calamity is variously ascribed to accident and design.”

Business is reviving in Galveston. Three steamers were running between Galveston and Houston, bringing down cotton. Mechanics, and particularly carpenters, were in demand. The Galveston Bulletin remarks:

“Hundreds of houses and squares of fence have disappeared since the war commenced, and hundreds have been reduced by the soldiery to a condition worse than horse stables, for all of which we are indebted ex-Gov. Lubbock, some infatuated Galvestonians and Gens. Hebert and Magruder – the former of which desiring to burn the town in order to keep it from falling into the hands of the Yankees, and the latter declaring that having conquered the place, he clrimed[sic] the privilege of doing with Galveston what he pleased.”

in the know

From the Library of Congress: the July 7, 1865 issue of the Boston Daily Journal (image 2) – the same page reports the ceremonies involved with laying the cornerstone of a national monument in Gettysburg, President Johnson sent a letter saying the Civil War also freed the poor whites in the South; Gordon Granger; Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation – it seems that General Granger’s order gave more detail to President Lincoln’s war measure by explaining that freedom included equal rights and equal property rights; a watch meeting on December 31, 1862; the Union Department of the Gulf’s map showing the rebel fortifications at Galveston.
From Wikimedia: the image of the June 19th orders and a couple other orders.

war then peace

Posted in Aftermath, American Culture, Postbellum Politics, Postbellum Society, Reconstruction, Slavery, Southern Society | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

buried?

Cincinnati, O.

150 years ago a Southern newspaper found something to like in a Northern observance of Decoration Day.

From The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, South Carolina) June 12, 1873:

KIND WORDS FOR OUR SOUTHERN DEAD.

Christian message?

Dr. Lillienthal, the well known Jewish pastor of Cincinnati, on decoration day, was called on to deliver the oration of the occasion in view of the Federal dead. While thoroughly Union, the address is leavened by a truly kindly, and, as some would say, “Christian” feeling for our “dead Confederates,” and for the people of the South. Among other good things the doctor said:

“Not one of us all entertains the least intention of humiliating our Southern brethren. We love them, and have loved them even during tho bloody fratricidal war. We honor their chivalrous spirit, their indomitable courage. We admire the names of Lee, Stuart, Jackson, Johnston and others. Are they not flesh from our flesh, bone from our bone? We pity their widows and orphans, too, for they are our brethren, our American brethren. We do not wish to humble them. We say to them, with our Longfellow: ‘Let the dead past bury its dead.’ We say, with our good and wise Lincoln: ‘With malice to none, with charity for all,’ let us do right, as God understands it; and over the graves of our fallen brethren let us renew our filial allegiance to our common flag and our common country. We in the North wish to bury in eternal oblivion the past hatred, the past feud. Let those down in the South follow our example.”

Max Lilienthal alluded to this poem by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow:

A PSALM OF LIFE.

WHAT THE HEART OF THE YOUNG MAN SAID TO THE PSALMIST.

Tell me not, in mournful numbers,
Life is but an empty dream!
For the soul is dead that slumbers,
And things are not what they seem.

Life is real! Life is earnest!
And the grave is not its goal;
Dust thou art, to dust returnest,
Was not spoken of the soul.

Not enjoyment, and not sorrow,
Is our destined end or way;
But to act, that each to-morrow
Find us farther than to-day.

Art is long, and Time is fleeting,
And our hearts, though stout and brave,
Still, like muffled drums, are beating
Funeral marches to the grave.

In the world’s broad field of battle,
In the bivouac of Life,
Be not like dumb, driven cattle!
Be a hero in the strife!

Trust no Future, howe’er pleasant!
Let the dead Past bury its dead!
Act,—act in the living Present!
Heart within, and God o’erhead!

Lives of great men all remind us
We can make our lives sublime,
And, departing, leave behind us
Footprints on the sands of time;—

Footprints, that perhaps another,
Sailing o’er life’s solemn main,
A forlorn and shipwrecked brother,
Seeing, shall take heart again.

Let us, then, be up and doing,
With a heart for any fate;
Still achieving, still pursuing,
Learn to labor and to wait.

According to Willard W. Glazier’s 1886 Peculiarities of American Cities (at Project Gutenberg), Jews and Christians got along surprisingly well in Cincinnati:
The Jews also constitute a proportion of the inhabitants, respectable both as to numbers and character; and, what is worthy of remark, there is an unwonted harmony between Christians and Hebrews, so that an exchange of pulpits between them has been among the actual facts of the past. Dr. Max Lilienthal, one of the most eloquent and learned rabbis of the country, presides over one of the Jewish congregations, and has preached to Christian audiences; and Mr. Mayo, the Unitarian clergyman, has spoken by invitation in the synagogues. The Jews of the city are noted for their intelligence, public spirit and liberality, and are represented in the municipal government, and on the boards of public and charitable institutions. Quite as worthy of note is the fact that the Young Men’s Christian Association of Cincinnati is not influenced by that spirit of narrow bigotry which in certain other cities of the Union excludes Unitarians from fellowship.
Cincinnati is right across the Ohio River from Covington, Kentucky. During the Civil War Kentucky was a border state. In early September 1862 a Confederate army moved north from Lexington to threaten Cincinnati. The army never crossed the river. Cincinnati was successfully defended. You can read more about it in the September 20 and 27, 1862 issues of Harper’s Weekly at Son of the South

admirable names

Harper’s Weekly September 20, 1862

Queen City welcomes GAR (1898)

There were reports of another major fire in Boston on Decoration Day – May 30, 1873
The picture of Max Lilienthal is from Project Gutenberg in The Haskalah Movement in Russia by Jacob S. Raisin. According to Wikipedia, Mr. Lilienthal was born in Germany. In 1845 he arrived in New York City. “In 1855, he moved to Cincinnati to become an editor of The American Israelite and serve as rabbi of Congregation Bene Israel.” “Lilienthal was later an active supporter of the movement to abolish slavery in the United States, though a minority of American Jews, primarily those in the South, were themselves slaveholders and disagreed strongly with his position.”
Also from Project GutenbergThe Complete Poetical Works of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. The image of the defense of Cincinnati was published in the September 20, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly and is at Son of the South
From the Library of Congress: the c1866 photograph; the June 12, 1873 issue of The Daily Phoenix; rebel montage; 1898 souvenir from 32nd Grand Army of the Republic encampment (image 9); Carol M. Highsmith’s photograph of graves at Arlington National Cemetery.Neither of the war heroes I knew while growing up are buried at Arlington.
This past Sunday I was thinking about Memorial Day and found a good deal of information on the internet about two war heroes I knew while I was growing up. I knew one man after he served in World War II; the other man I knew before he went to Vietnam. Although both are dead now, they set a good example for me. They are remembered for their heroism, for the courage that puts others’ welfare ahead of their own earthly self-interest. I think they truly left “Footprints on the sands of time”. I’m grateful.

“our common flag” at Arlington National Cemetery

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murder at the peace conference

From the April 26, 1873 issue of Harper’s Weekly:

” entire self-abnegation”

The treacherous murder of General CANBY and the Rev. Dr. THOMAS by the Modoc Indians during a conference to which the general and the Peace Commissioners had been invited by “Captain JACK” is one of the most tragical events in the history of Indian wars. Captain JACK, secure in the natural fastness of the lava beds, had persistently rejected all peaceful overtures, and the Commissioners had come to the conclusion that the negotiations were a failure. On the 10th of April several Indians strolled into General CANBY’s camp, and were generously treated, receiving presents of clothing and provisions, When they left the Commissioners sent a message to Captain JACK, asking for a talk the next morning at a point about half a mile outside the picket line.

The next morning an Indian named “BOSTON CHARLEY” came into the camp, and told the Commission that Captain JACK and five other Indians would meet the Commission outside the lines. BOSTON CHARLEY and BOGUS CHARLEY, who had been in the camp all night, then mounted a horse and started for the lava bed. About an hour after their departure General CANBY, Mr. DYER, Dr. THOMAS, and Mr. A.B. MEACHAM, with FRANK RIDDLE and his squaw for interpreters, started for the place appointed. The party arrived at the appointed place, and were closely watched by the signal officer, Lieutenant ADAMS, from the signal-station on a hill overlooking the camp. About half an hour after the party had arrived a cry from the signal-station was heard, saying that the Indians had attacked the Peace Commission, and that another band of Indians had attacked Colonel MASON’s camp, on the east side of Tule Lake.

The troops immediately hastened to the scene of the conference, under command of Colonel GREEN. On the way Mr. DYER was met, who thought he was the only member of the party who had escaped; but soon afterward the interpreter RIDDLE and his squaw reached the lines. He gives the following account of the massacre:

aka Kintpuash

Mr. MEACHAM made a short speech to the Indians, followed by General CANBY, and then Dr. THOMAS. Then Captain JACK made a speech, asking for Hot Creek and Cottonwood, the places now occupied by FAIRCHILD and DORRIS, for a reservation. Mr. MEACHAM told JACK that it was not possible to give him what he asked. SCHONCHIN told Mr. MEACHAM to say no more; that he (MEACHAM) had said enough upon that subject; and while SCHONCHIN was speaking Captain JACK got up and walked behind the others, turned back, and exclaimed, “All ready.” He then drew his pistol and snapped a cap at General CANBY. He cocked his pistol again and fired. General CANBY fell dead, shot under the eye. SCHONCHIN then shot Mr. MEACHAM in the shoulder and head, but though severely wounded he was at last accounts still alive. Boston CHARLEY and another Indian shot and killed Dr. THOMAS. HOOKER JIM chased Mr. DYER for some distance, but DYER turned upon him with pistol in hand, and JIM ran.

The bodies of General CANBY and Dr. THOMAS were found nearly stripped of clothing. Pausing only an instant to cast a glance at the inanimate form of their beloved commander, the troops dashed on, and the two leading batteries were within a mile of the stronghold of the murderers when the bugle sounded a “halt.” Lieutenant EGAN and Major WRIGHT’s companies of Twelfth infantry were behind the artillery, and then came up the cavalry. General GILLEM and Colonel GREEN and staff were up with the men, but as soon as they found that the Indians had all got back to their stronghold the troops were ordered to fall back, and active operations were for the time deferred. It was supposed when the courier left the camp that an attack would be made on the Indians in the lava beds within twenty-four hours.

The attack on Colonel MASON’s camp, which fortunately failed of success, occurring at the same time of the massacre, shows the treachery of Captain Jack to have been deliberately planned. His object was doubtless to capture or kill the commanding officers of both posts as well as the Peace Commissioners.

On receiving intelligence of this terrible massacre, General SHERMAN at once gave orders by telegraph to General SCHOFIELD, commanding the Division of the Pacific, to advance all available troops against the Modoc Indians, administer the severest punishment, and take no prisoners. General SHERMAN has also issued the following order, announcing the death of General CANBY:

“HEAD-QUARTERS of the Army,
WASHINGTON, April 14,1873.
“GENERAL ORDER No. 3.-It again becomes the sad duty of the general to announce to the army the death of one of our most illustrious and most honored comrades. Brigadier-General Edward R. S. CANBY, commanding the Department of the Columbia, was on Friday last, April 11, shot dead by the chief, Jack, while he was endeavoring to mediate for the removal of the Modocs from their present rocky fastness on the northern border of California to a reservation where the tribe could be maintained and protected by the civil agents of the government.
“That such a life should have been sacrificed in such a cause will ever be a source of regret to his relations and friends. Yet the general trusts that all good soldiers will be consoled in knowing that CANBY lost his life on duty, and in the execution of his office; for he had been especially chosen and appointed for this delicate and dangerous trust by reason of his well-known patience.and forbearance, his entire self-abnegation and fidelity to the expressed wishes of his government, and his large experience in dealing with the savage Indians of America. He had already completed the necessary military preparations to enforce obedience to the conclusions of the Peace Commissioners, after which he seems to have accompanied them to a last conference with the savage chiefs, in supposed friendly council, and there met his death by treachery outside of his military lines, but within view of the signal-station. At the same time one of the Peace Commissioners, was killed outright and another mortally wound and a third escaped unhurt. Thus perished one of the kindest and best gentlemen of this or any other country, whose social equaled his military virtues. To even sketch his army history would pass the limits of a general order,and I must here suffice to state that General CANBY began his military career as a cadet at West Point in the summer of 1835, graduating in 1839, since which time he has continually served, thirty-eight years, passing through all the grades to major general of volunteers and brigadier-general of the regular army. He served his early life with marked distinction in the Florida and Mexican wars, and the outbreak of the civil war found him on duty in New Mexico, where, after the defection of his seniors, he remained in command,and defended the country successfully against a formidable inroad from the direction of Texas; afterward, transferred to the East to a more active and important sphere, he exercised various high commands, and at the close of the civil war was in chief command of the Military Division of the West Mississippi, in which he had received a painful wound, but had the honor to capture Mobile, and compel the surrender of the rebel forces of the Southwest.
“Since the close of the war he has repeatedly been chosen for special command, by reason of his superior knowledge of law and civil government, his known fidelity to the wishes of the Executive, and his chivalrous devotion to his profession, in all of which his success was perfect. When fatigued by a long and laborious career in 1869, he voluntarily consented to take command of the Department of the Columbia, where he expected to enjoy the repose he so much coveted. This Modoc difficulty arising last winter, and it being extremely desirous to end it by peaceful means, it seemed almost providential that it should have occurred within the sphere of General CANBY’s command. He responded to the call of his government with alacrity, and has labored with a patience that deserved better success: but alas! the end is different from that which he and his best friends had hoped for, and he now lies a corpse in the wild mountains of California, while the lightning flashes his requiem to the furthermost corners of the civilized world. Though dead, the record of his fame is resplendent with noble deeds well done, and no name on our army register stands fairer or higher for the personal qualities that command the universal respect, honor, affection, and love of his countrymen. General CANBY leaves to his country a heart-broken widow, but no children. Every honor consistent with law and usage shall be paid to his remains, full notice of which will be given as soon as his family can be consulted and arrangements concluded. By order of General SHERMAN.
“W.D.WHIPPLE Adjutant-General.”

he won’t shudder

General CANBY was placed in control of all negotiations with the Indians on the special request of the Secretary of the Interior. The members of the Commission were directed to report to him, and to send no dispatches or recommendations without first submitting them to him. He was also invested with authority by the Secretary of the Interior, through the General of the Army, to change the Commissioners in his discretion. He acted on this so far as to add one member to the Commission. General CANBY at once assumed control, and since the 10th of March the War Department and the military have had charge of the negotiations. The general sympathized entirely with the previous attempts to bring the Modocs under peaceable subjection by fair and honorable treatment, and it was in the effort to carry out this humane policy that he met his death. General CANBY was a Kentuckian by birth. He had nearly reached the age of fifty-four, had passed through two great wars with honor and distinction, to fall at last by the treacherous hand of a besotted Indian.

General Canby was born in Kentucky and graduated from West Point in 1839. He served in the United States Army throughout his career. After the war he commanded several military districts in the reconstructing South. In its April 16, 1873 issue The Daily Phoenix from Columbia, South Carolina quoted a couple other southern newspapers that didn’t have too much personal sorrow at General Canby’s death, considering his actions when in “dominion” over the southern states:

what was he thinking?
or
remember Osceola

vengeance on the way

bad faith

___________________________________________

In its May 17, 1873 issue, Harper’s Weekly reproduced a headline from a newspaper in Athens, Georgia:

cause not lost?

You can read more about Captain Jack at Legends of America.

The Harper’s Weekly content is from Hathi Trust pages 339 and 411.
From the Library of Congress: the image of Captain Jack from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, v. 36, no. 928 (1873 July 12), p. 277; the portrait of General William Tecumseh Shermanthe article from the April 16, 1873 issue of The Daily Phoenix;
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four more

inauguration site

President Ulysses S. Grant was inaugurated for his second term on March 4, 1873.

From the March 22, 1873 issue of Harper’s Weekly:

THE SECOND INAUGURATION.

heading to oath of office

THE second inauguration of ULYSSES S. GRANT as President of the United States was an event never to be forgotten by those who were privileged to witness the ceremony. The morning of the 4th of March opened with a cloudless sky that gave promise of a sunny day, but the wind was cold and keen, and its fitful gusts carried a chill to the hearts of those who dared to face them. The principal streets of the national capital had been carefully cleaned, and the buildings, public and private, garnished and decorated for the occasion. All of the previous day and night the inbound trains and steamers brought their countless hosts of eager ones who would see the inauguration. The hotels and boarding-houses were all full, and many were unable to procure lodgings of even the most inferior kind. These contented themselves with walking the streets until the appointed hour had come. Of militia-men there was seemingly no end to the number. Every train of cars brought a detachment of soldiers, and so great was the demand upon the roads that many were belated, and some failed to reach the city until after the ceremony was over.

oath of office

The military procession to the Capitol was the most imposing ever witnessed on such an occasion. Pennsylvania Avenue on the line of march was elaborately decorated; every building was covered with flags, and from every window floated streamers and banners. Every window and balcony was occupied, and throngs of people filled the streets. At ten o’clock precisely the troops began to move, headed by Chief Marshal General BARRY. First in order, and naturally attracting most attention, was the corps of cadets from West Point. As regiment after regiment marched past the multitude cheered them vociferously to the end. Besides the military there were a number of civic societies in the line. The firemen of the District were also out in their best dress.

Harper’s Weekly March 22, 1873

The inaugural ceremony took place on the east front of the Capitol, where a temporary platform had been erected for the purpose. The open space below, where the troops were massed in solid column, was literally packed with people, while the eastern fronts of both Senate and House wings were black with a solid mass of spectators. Even the cornice upon the roof and about the dome was filled. At length the ceremonies began with the appearance of the President, who, immediately after the organization of the new Senate, came upon the portico and advanced to the front of the platform. Here, with uncovered head, the President took the oath of office at the hands of the Chief Justice for the second term. The crowd below sent up a deafening huzza at this moment, and the howitzer battery of the Naval School at the south end of the square, and the Light Artillery at the north end, boomed out a salute of twenty-one guns. The President then, standing conspicuously in the front of the dense crowd on the platform, and despite the sweeping winds and biting atmosphere, calmly read his inaugural address. Our artist’s graphic delineation of the scene on pages 224 and 225 will enable the reader to judge of its grandeur.

The inaugural over, the troops escorted the President to the White House, where a review took place, after which the soldiers returned to their respective quarters. The scene on the return march was even grander and more impressive than on the march to the Capitol. The crowd on the Avenue was even larger, and the enthusiasm unbounded. In the evening a magnificent display of fire-works on the Capitol grounds closed the out-door exercises of the celebration.

chilly, very chilly

Of course there was a grand ball at night, and this was the most complete and elegant affair of the kind within the memory of man. The building in which the dancers danced was specially constructed for the occasion, at a cost of $60,000. It was of wood, and was 350 feet long by 150 feet wide, with a clear floor space of 300 by 100 feet. The room was gayly decorated and brilliantly lighted.

At the south end of the hall there were small arches for the entrances of the invited guests, above them shields, and above all, draperies, which, with a star in gas jets in the centre, were intended to eclipse the “Grant and Wilson and Peace” first intended to occupy the vacant space. At the opposite end was the platform for the President, invited guests, and other favored ones. The platform was thirty-five feet wide by seventy feet long, and was handsomely draped. Across the front were high candelabra, to support plants in pots in lieu of gas-lights. On the sides were draperies of white; on the trusses and between, where the draperies did not interfere with the arched entrances, were flags draped in arches, headed by the shields of the different States. The trusses were painted to represent columns in chrome-colors.

The President and cabinet arrived about half past eleven o’clock, and after a short stay in their reception-rooms the grand entrance was made in formal procession, the chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, Hon. H.R. SHEPHERD, and HALLET KILBOURN, Esq., chairman of the Ball Committee, doing the escort duty. Governor COOK entered with the President, and after the cabinet came the diplomatic corps. They moved through the centre of the room to the platform at the north end to the music of Hail to the Chief by the Naval Academy band. As many as 3000 persons engaged in the dance, most of whom were of the most distinguished families in the land. The supper was gotten up on a magnificent scale, and was said to be the most liberally provided ever furnished to the good people of Washington. An illustration of the ball-room scenes is given by our artist on page 221.

Inauguration balls have not always been honored with a specially erected building. It was not until General Taylor was inaugurated that, it having become evident there was no hall in Washington that could give satisfaction as a ball room on public occasions, a temporary building was constructed on Judiciary Square. Afterward the balls following the inaugurations of PIERCE, BUCHANAN, and LINCOLN were held in a similar building erected in the same square. At the second inauguration of LINCOLN the ball was in the “model-room” of the Patent-office. The chief feature of this ball, as now remembered, was the confusion which prevailed in the hat and cloak rooms when the ball was over, and everybody, apparently, wanted what nobody could give. The first inauguration ball of President GRANT was held in the north wing of the Treasury Building, and the accommodations there were too limited. The arrangements made for the last ball entirely prevented the inconvenience and crowding conspicuous on previous occasions.

Hail to the Chief

One of the places you can read the inaugural address is at Project Gutenberg:

ULYSSES S. GRANT, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS
TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1873

[Transcriber’s note: Frigid temperatures caused many of the events planned for the second inauguration to be abandoned. The thermometer did not rise much above zero all day, persuading many to avoid the ceremony on the East Portico of the Capitol. The oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Salmon Chase. A parade and a display of fireworks were featured later that day, as well as a ball in a temporary wooden structure on Judiciary Square. The wind blew continuously through the ballroom and many of the guests at the ball never removed their coats.]

Fellow-Citizens:

The New York Herald March 5, 1873 page 10

Under Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executive over this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintain all the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act for the best interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years’ experience in the office.

When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began, the country had not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution, and three of the former States of the Union had not been restored to their Federal relations.

new Vice-President in town

It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised so long as that condition of affairs existed. Therefore the past four years, so far as I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to restore harmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace and progress. It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending toward republicanism, or government by the people through their chosen representatives, and that our own great Republic is destined to be the guiding star to all others.

Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any European power of any standing and a navy less than that of either of at least five of them. There could be no extension of territory on the continent which would call for an increase of this force, but rather might such extension enable us to diminish it.

The theory of government changes with general progress. Now that the telegraph is made available for communicating thought, together with rapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous for all purposes of government, and communication between the extreme limits of the country made easier than it was throughout the old thirteen States at the beginning of our national existence.

The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make him a citizen. Yet he is not possessed of the civil rights which citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should be corrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can avail.

civil rights for all citizens

Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him, give him access to the schools, and when he travels let him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive.

The States lately at war with the General Government are now happily rehabilitated, and no Executive control is exercised in any one of them that would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances.

In the first year of the past Administration the proposition came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was not a question of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of Santo Domingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best interest of this country, for the people of Santo Domingo, and all concerned that the proposition should be received favorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject was never brought up again by me.

In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of acquisition of territory must have the support of the people before I will recommend any proposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.

“Humane Indian Policy”

My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration of good feeling between the different sections of our common country; to the restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the world’s standard of values—gold—and, if possible, to a par with it; to the construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to the end that the products of all may find a market and leave a living remuneration to the producer; to the maintenance of friendly relations with all our neighbors and with distant nations; to the reestablishment of our commerce and share in the carrying trade upon the ocean; to the encouragement of such manufacturing industries as can be economically pursued in this country, to the end that the exports of home products and industries may pay for our imports—the only sure method of returning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to the elevation of labor; and, by a humane course, to bring the aborigines of the country under the benign influences of education and civilization. It is either this or war of extermination: Wars of extermination, engaged in by people pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, are expensive even against the weakest people, and are demoralizing and wicked. Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit. The moral view of the question should be considered and the question asked, Can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society by proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith, we will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our own consciences for having made it.

All these things are not to be accomplished by one individual, but they will receive my support and such recommendations to Congress as will in my judgment best serve to carry them into effect. I beg your support and encouragement.

It has been, and is, my earnest desire to correct abuses that have grown up in the civil service of the country. To secure this reformation rules regulating methods of appointment and promotions were established and have been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall be continued to the best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted will be maintained.

reduced, traduced

I acknowledge before this assemblage, representing, as it does, every section of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen for the great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the highest office within their gift, and the further obligation resting on me to render to them the best services within my power. This I promise, looking forward with the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall be released from responsibilities that at times are almost overwhelming, and from which I have scarcely had a respite since the eventful firing upon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the present day. My services were then tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing out of that event.

I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influence or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to perform my part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the nation. I performed a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or command, and without a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual.

Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my present office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication.

vindicated

President Grant appointed Henry D. Cooke first territorial governor of Washington D.C. His successor was the last territorial governor of the district.
The New York Herald’s take on the inauguration wasn’t as glowing as the Harper’s Weekly coverage. It’s headline called the president “uncourteous”. An English correspondent at the big event thought the crowd was smaller than a business day on Broadway. There wasn’t much cheering “to-day as the President passed by, and to what there was he never made the least response. Lord Chesterfield lays down the axiom that it is the duty of a gentleman to raise his hat in reply to a similar salutation, even though it be proffered by a beggar; but President Grant’s stovepipe might have been nailed to his head, and his face was as cheerful and expressive as the figurehead of an old frigate”.
President Grant might have been diminished in the eyes of some people because of the scandals that plagued his administration. Although the Crédit Mobilier scandal occurred before the Grant presidency, the story broke during the 1872 election campaign. In his diary entry for March 4, 1873 James Garfield mentioned he made a statement in the House regarding his role in Crédit Mobilier. Henry Wilson, Grant’s new vice-president, was also involved. Garfield’s diary confirms the cold: “About fifteen thousand people were present. Out of the bitter cold away from the crowd I reached home late in the afternoon. I retired early and slept long and hard.”

The New York Herald March 5, 1873 page 3

James Garfield was there

American Mecca

From the Library of Congress: U.S. Capitol – the explanation on the back of the stereoscope likens to Niagara Falls; the procession through the Capitol, Illus. in: Frank Leslie’s illustrated newspaper, v. 36, 1873 March 15, p. 5; Chief Justice Chase administering the oath, Illus. in: Frank Leslie’s illustrated newspaper, v. 36, no. 911 (1873 March 15), p. 1; Grant with 1872 Republican platform; re-election poster; the material from the March 5, 1873 issue of The New York Herald; James Garfield’s diary entry for March 4, 1873;Grant and staff on Lookout Mountain, 1863
The cartoon of Grant as giant and as pygmy is from the April 2, 1870 issue of Punchinello at Project Gutenberg. Most of the Harper’s Weekly content is from Hathi Trust, except for the image of the crowd at the Capitol. You can see that at Internet Archive.

General Grant and staff on Lookout Mountain

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